World War Two: Papuan Campaign (9);The Allies Close In

Just as the Allies prepared to close on Buna the turning point came in the struggle for the southern Solomons. In the naval battle of Guadalcanal (12-15 November), Admiral Halsey’s forces virtually wiped out an eleven-ship enemy convoy, carrying almost all the reserves the Japanese had available for action in the South and Southwest Pacific. After this catastrophic setback, the Japanese gave up trying to reinforce their troops on Guadalcanal, contenting themselves with desperate attempts to keep them supplied so as to prolong resistance as long as possible. With the island sealed off, Marine Corps troops, reinforced by Army troops (who were arriving on the scene in increasing numbers to replace the marines), could proceed uninterruptedly with the task of destroying the large Japanese garrison left on the island. The battle for Guadalcanal had entered an advanced phase just as that for Buna began.

Mounting the Attack: The Scene of Operations

The scene of operations was the Buna-Gona coastal plain, commonly referred to as the Buna area. Lying between the sea and the foothills of the Owen Stanley Range, the region is quite flat. In the Buna strips area the elevation is about three feet. At Soputa, some six and one-half miles inland, it is only a few feet higher. The terrain consisted mainly of jungle and swamp. The jungles, mostly inland, were a tangle of trees, vines, and creepers, and dense, almost impenetrable undergrowth. The swamps, filled with a frenzied growth of mangrove, nipa, and sago trees, were often shoulder-deep, and sometimes over a man’s head.

Scattered through the region were groves of coconut palms, areas of bush and scrub, and patches of kunai grass. The coconut palms, some of them 125 feet high, were to be found principally along the coast at such points as Cape Endaiadere, Buna Mission, Giruwa, Cape Killerton, and Gona, but there were also a few groves inland, surrounded in the main by swamp. Generally the bush and scrub were heavily overgrown, and the undergrowth was almost as impenetrable as that in the jungle. The kunai grass, shoulder-high, and with knife-sharp edges, grew in thick clumps, varying in size from small patches that covered a few square feet to the Dobodura grass plains that extended over an area several miles square.

The rainy season had begun and the Girua River, which divided the area in two, was in flood. After losing itself in a broad swampy delta stretching from Sanananda Point to Buna Village, the Girua emptied into the sea through several channels. One of these, Entrance Creek, opened into the lagoon between Buna Village and Buna Mission. Between Entrance Creek and Simemi Creek to the east was an immense swamp. This swamp, formed when the overflow from the river had backed up into the low-lying ground just south of Buna Mission, reached as far inland as Simemi and Ango. It was believed to be impassable, and its effect was to cut the area east of the river in two, making the transfer of troops from one part to the other a slow and difficult process.

[NOTE: Actually there was no mission at Buna, and what was known as Buna Mission was really Buna Government Station. Likewise, what the Board of Geographic Names officially calls the Senimi River was known as Simemi Creek. Since nearly all records of the campaign refer to “Buna Mission” and “Simemi Creek,” these names will be used throughout this volume.]

Because of the swamp, there were only three good routes of approach to the Japanese positions east of the river. The first led from Soputa and Ango Corner along the western edge of the swamp to a track junction three quarters of a mile south of Buna Mission which was to become known to the troops as the Triangle. From this junction, one trail led to Buna Village and the other to Buna Mission. A second route of approach was from Dobodura and Simemi along the eastern end of the swamp and along the northern edge of the Old Strip to Buna Mission. A third approach lay along the coastal track from Cape Sudest to Cape Endaiadere, where the trail back-tracked diagonally through Duropa Plantation to the New Strip, and ran thence to Buna Mission.

The situation was the same on the western side of the river. There were only two good approaches to the Japanese beachhead positions in that area, and both of them lay through swamp. One was the trail that ran to Gona via Amboga Crossing and Jumbora; the other was the main trail to Sanananda via Popondetta and Soputa. In addition, several branch trails forked from the Soputa-Sanananda track to Cape Killerton, where they joined the coastal trail to Sanananda, Sanananda Point, and Giruwa.

In the hot and muggy climate of the Buna-Gona area the humidity averages 85 percent, and the daily temperature, 96° F. The area was literally a pesthole. Malaria, dengue fever, scrub typhus, bacillary and amoebic dysentery were endemic there, as were the lesser ills—jungle rot, dhobie itch, athlete’s foot, and ringworm. Unless the campaign came to a quick end, disease would inevitably take heavy toll of the troops.

The Plan of Attack

New Guinea Force published the over-all plan of attack on 14 November. The orders provided that the 7th Australian Division and the 32nd U. S. Division would destroy the enemy in the area bounded by the Kumusi River, Cape Sudest, and Holnicote Bay. The boundary between the two divisions was to be a line running from the mouth of the Girua River to Hihonda, thence southwesterly along a stream halfway between Inonda and Popondetta. The 7th Division was to operate on the left of the boundary, the 32nd Division on the right. The 21st Brigade, now to serve its second tour of duty in the campaign, was to be flown in from Port Moresby and go into 7th Division reserve near Wairopi.

The troops were to begin moving forward on 16 November, the 32nd Division against Buna, and the 7th Division against Gona and Sanananda. Units on either side of the interdivisional boundary were to take particular care not to uncover their inward flank. Each division was to be prepared to strike across the boundary against the enemy’s flank or rear should the opportunity offer. The 32nd Division, in addition to carrying on its combat role, was to establish a landing strip at Dobodura, secure and hold the crossing of the Girua River near Soputa, and provide for the security of the right flank from enemy sea-borne attack.


Hopeful of an early victory, New Guinea Force issued a plan for defense of the Buna area the next day. Under LILLIPUT (as the plan was called) the 32nd Division would become responsible for Buna’s defense as soon as the area was cleared of the enemy. To assist the division in the discharge of that responsibility, Australian artillery, antiaircraft, and air-warning units were to be sent forward to Buna at the earliest possible moment and come under its command. The first echelon of LILLIPUT, including several K. P. M. ships, had already been called forward and was due to arrive at Milne Bay from Australia on 18 November.

General Blamey had asked General MacArthur for a few destroyers to protect the LILLIPUT ships as they passed through the area beyond Cape Nelson and while they were unloading at Buna, but Vice Admiral Arthur S. Carpender, who had succeeded Admiral Leary as Commander of the Allied Naval Forces in September, had voiced strong objections to sending destroyers into the “treacherous” waters off Buna. In a letter to General MacArthur, he made his position clear. The entire area between Cape Nelson and Buna, he wrote, was so filled with reefs that there was virtually no “sea room” in which destroyers could maneuver.

The Japanese, using the northern approach route from Gasmata, a small island off the south coast of New Britain, did not have this difficulty, for there were deep-water areas suitable for the maneuvering of cruisers and destroyers all the way between it and Buna. To put a “minor surface force” in the Buna area would serve no useful purpose in the face of the much heavier forces the enemy could easily send in from Rabaul. General Blamey could have one or two shallow-draft antisubmarine vessels for the escort of the LILLIPUT ships, but no destroyers; the latter were not to be used for escort duty north of Milne Bay.

Since Admiral Carpender had objections also to sending submarines into the Buna area, it became clear that the only help the Allied forces closing in on Buna could expect from the fleet was a few small patrol boats. The air force, in addition to bearing its close support and supply responsibilities, would have to carry almost the entire burden of protecting Allied supply movements northward of Milne Bay, and of beating back enemy attempts to reinforce the beachhead.

The Forces Move Up

On 15 November General Harding issued the divisional plan of attack. In Field Order Number One of that date, he ordered one battalion of the 128th Infantry to march along the coast via Embogo and Cape Sudest to take Cape Endaiadere. A second battalion was to move on the Buna airfield via Simemi. The remaining battalion, which would be in division reserve, was to proceed to the Dobodura grass plains area and prepare a landing strip for transports. Each battalion was to have an engineer platoon and a body of native carriers attached. H Hour for Warren Force was set at 0600, 16 November. The 126th Infantry (less the elements of the 1st Battalion arriving at Pongani) would close on Inonda. It would move from Inonda on Buna by a route to be specified later.

While Colonel Tomlinson’s force would have to be supplied by airdropping until the field at Dobodura was in operation, Warren Task Force was, as far as possible, to be supplied by sea. There was to be a deep-water harbor at Oro Bay, Colonel John J. Carew, the Divisional Engineer, having investigated the harbor area and reported favorably on the project. Its completion and the completion ultimately of an access road from it to Dobodura, would make it possible for large ships to anchor there and would also make possible the development of Dobodura into a major air base, not only for fighters and transports, but also for all types of bombers.

General MacNider’s troops were given an extra ration of rice before they left their lines of departure on 16 November. Colonel Tomlinson’s headquarters, the 3rd Battalion, 126th Infantry, and Major Boerem’s detachment (which according to plan was to be reunited with the rest of the 1st Battalion at Dobodura as soon as possible) pushed off from Natunga to Bofu. The 2nd Battalion, already at Bofu, began moving on Inonda.

Early on 16 November, just as the Americans marched out to the attack, the Australians completed the crossing of the Kumusi River. Leaving an engineer detachment to clear an airstrip on the east bank of the river, the 25th Brigade began marching on Gona, and the 16th Brigade, on Sanananda. Advance Headquarters, 7th Division, crossed the river on the 16th just behind the 16th Brigade, and Captain Medendorp, whose Wairopi Patrol had had a light brush with the enemy at Asisi a few miles south of Wairopi a week before, reported to General Vasey the same day.

The attack was on, but the condition of many of the attacking troops left a great deal to be desired. The 16th and 25th Brigades, which had chased the enemy nearly all the way across the Owen Stanleys, had been in continuous action under the most arduous conditions for almost two months. They had lost many men, and those that remained were very tired. The 21st Brigade, General Vasey’s reserve, though rested and regrouped, was far below strength. Only the untried Americans, numbering at the time just under 7,000 men, could be considered fresh troops, and many of them because of sickness and exhausting marches were far from their physical peak.

Training and Equipment

Troops in the opening engagements of every war are often found to be ill prepared to wage the kind of war they actually have to fight. This was the case with the 32nd Division when its leading elements marched out to meet the enemy in mid-November 1942. Not only were the troops inadequately trained, equipped, and supported for the task in hand, but many of the difficulties they were to meet at Buna had been neither foreseen nor provided for.

The division, whose insignia is a Red Arrow with a crosspiece on the shaft, was a former Michigan and Wisconsin National Guard unit. It had a record of outstanding service in World War I, having fought with great distinction on the Aisne-Marne, the Oise—Aisne, and in the Meuse—Argonne drive. The division was inducted into the federal service on 15 October 1940 as a square division. The following April some 8,000 Michigan and Wisconsin selectees were added to its strength. After participating in the Louisiana maneuvers, the division was tri-angularized into the 126th, 127th, and 128th Infantry Regiments. The 120th, 121st, 126th, and 129th Field Artillery Battalions were assigned as divisional artillery. The 121st Field Artillery Battalion was equipped with 155-mm. howitzers. The other battalions, which had trained with World War I 75’s, received 105’s just before embarkation.

The 32nd Division had expected to fight in the European theater and, in late December 1941, had actually been earmarked for operations there. General Harding joined it in Louisiana in early February 1942. In late February the division was sent to Fort Devens, Massachusetts, and instructed to prepare for immediate movement to Northern Ireland. Ordered at the last moment to the Pacific, the division took on more than 3,000 replacements at San Francisco and reached Adelaide, Australia, on 14 May.

Training had scarcely got under way when the division was again ordered to move—this time to Brisbane. The move was completed in mid-August, and training had just got into its stride again at Camp Cable, the division’s camp near Brisbane, when the first troops started moving to New Guinea.

These moves served the division ill. Not only was it difficult to harden the men because they were so much in transit, but the weeks spent in moving, in making each successive camp livable, and in providing it with bayonet courses, rifle range, infiltration courses, and similar installations before infantry training could begin cut heavily into the division’s training time. This was a serious matter since the division had arrived in Australia only partially trained, and many of its officers, new to the division, had not yet had time to know their men.

There was another difficulty. Like the 41st Division, the 32nd was part of the garrison of Australia. The main emphasis in its training had been on the defense of Australia, a type of training from which the troops had little new to learn for it repeated the training that they had received at home. What they really needed—training in jungle combat—they got very little of.

General Richardson, Commanding General, VII Corps, then on a mission in the Pacific for General Marshall, inspected the troops in early July and reported that as far as their training was concerned they were “still in the elementary stages” and would not be ready for combat “by some few months.” General Eichelberger reached Australia in early September and found the division still not ready for combat. He rated its state of training as “barely satisfactory” and told General MacArthur it needed further hardening as well as a vast amount of training, especially in jungle warfare.

As quickly as he could, Eichelberger instituted a stepped-up training and hardening program, but the 126th and 128th Infantry Regiments had already moved out to New Guinea before the new program could go into effect. Thus when the two regiments entered combat they were not in top physical condition, had received very little training in scouting, night patrolling, or jungle warfare, and had been fired over in their training either very briefly or not at all.

Looking back at it all, General Harding had this to say of the training of the division before it entered combat: I have no quarrel with the general thesis that the 32nd was by no means adequately trained for combat—particularly jungle combat. A Third Army (Krueger) training inspection team gave it a thorough going over inspection about a month before I joined it and found it deficient on many counts. I got a copy of this report from Krueger and it was plenty bad. . . .On the other hand I found the division well disciplined, well behaved, and well-grounded in certain elements of training. . . . My estimate of training when I took over is that it was about on a par with other National Guard divisions at that time.

Unfortunately we had no opportunity to work through a systematic program for correcting deficiencies. From February when I took over until November when we went into battle we were always getting ready to move, on the move, or getting settled after a move.

No sooner would we get a systematic training program started than orders for a move came along to interrupt it. As you know, you just can’t formulate and get set up for a realistic training program in a couple of days. As a matter of fact, realistic training for modern war requires an enormously elaborate installation of training aids, courses, etc. without which really good training can’t be complete.

Such installations were out of the question for us, although we managed to set up a few simplified modifications of the real thing which would have served fairly well, had we ever had time to run more than a fraction of the command through them.

Although the troops had much of the standard equipment of the day, not all of it was to prove suitable for the area in which they were to fight. Much of their radio equipment, for instance, had already failed to function, and they did not have the carbine which would have been an ideal weapon in the tangled, overgrown beachhead area. Although the carbine was available elsewhere, it was to be months before the first carbines reached the Southwest Pacific Area and were distributed among the troops.

The troops had none of the specialized clothing and equipment which later became routine for jungle operations. Their clothing—dyed to aid concealment in the jungle—was already causing them great discomfort. Not only did the dye run; but its residuum stopped up the cloth and made it nonporous. The garments, as a result, became unbearable in the extreme tropical heat and caused hideous jungle ulcers to appear on the bodies of nearly all the troops wearing them.

Though they were about to enter a jungle area overgrown with vines and creepers and teeming with noxious insects, the men were critically short of machetes, and had no insect repellants. Nor had anyone thought to issue them small waterproof boxes or pouches for the protection of their personal effects and medical supplies from the extreme heat and wet. Cigarettes and matches became sodden and unusable, and quinine pills, vitamin pills, and salt tablets,—then usually issued in bulk a few days’ supply at a time—began to disintegrate almost as soon as the men put them in their pockets or packs, and the same thing sometimes happened to the water chlorination tablets.

Various expedients had been adopted to lighten the weight each man would have to carry in the jungle. The marching troops were equipped as far as possible with Thompson submachine guns, and the heavier weapons, including most of the 81-mm. mortars, were put aside to be sent forward later by boat. Medical and communications equipment were stripped to the bare essentials, and field ranges and accompanying heavy mess equipment were left behind at Port Moresby.

The medical units were using gas stoves, kerosene burners, and even canned heat to sterilize their instruments and provide the casualties with hot food and drink, but the front-line troops had none of these things. Without their normal mess equipment, they no choice but to use tin containers of all kinds to heat up their rations, prepare their coffee (when they had coffee), and wash their mess gear. Since it rained almost continually and there was very little dry fuel available, it was usually impossible to heat water sufficiently to sterilize the tins and mess gear from which the troops ate—an open invitation to the same type of diarrhea and dysentery that had already overtaken the 2nd Battalion, 126th Infantry, in its march over the mountains.

Artillery and Engineer Support

As the troops marched out for the attack, there was a widespread belief at higher headquarters that the mortars, direct air support, and the few Australian pieces already available in the area would be enough to clear the way for the infantry. Even this represented better support than that advocated by General Kenney, who, in a letter to Lieutenant General H. H. Arnold on 24 October, told the latter that neither tanks nor heavy artillery had any place in jungle warfare. “The artillery in this theater,” he added, “flies.” 

Neither General Harding nor his artillery commander, Brigadier General Albert W. Waldron, believed that the infantry could get along very well without the artillery. Strongly supported by Harding, Waldron kept asking that the divisional artillery be brought forward. General MacArthur’s headquarters did not have the means either to bring all the artillery forward or to keep it supplied when it got there. Not being at all sure that artillery could be used effectively or even be manhandled in the swampy terrain of the beachhead, GHQ was cool to the proposal. In the end, by dint of great persistence, and with the help of the Australian artillery commander, Brigadier L. E. S. Barker, who thought as he did on the subject, Waldron got a few pieces of artillery—not his own, and not as much as he would have liked, but better than no artillery at all.

If the division’s artillery support—two 3.7-inch howitzers and the promise of a four-gun section of 25-pounders which had yet to arrive at the front—was scanty, its engineer support was even scantier. Almost half of General Horii’s original force had either been combat engineers or Army and Navy construction troops. Yet, General Harding, with the rainy season at hand, and every possibility that roads, bridges, and airfields would have to be built in the combat zone, had only a few platoons of the 114th Engineer Battalion attached to his two combat teams. And these engineer troops reached the front almost emptyhanded.

They had no axes, shovels, or picks, no assault boats, very little rope, and not a single piece of block and tackle. The theory was that all these things would come up by boat with the heavy equipment. In practice, however, the failure to have their tools accompany them meant that the engineer troops could do only the simplest pioneer work at a time when their very highest skills were needed.

The Condition of the Troops

Medical supplies at the front were critically short as the troops marched out for the attack. Bismuth preparations for the treatment of gastrointestinal disturbances were almost unprocurable, and there was not enough quinine sulphate, the malaria suppressive in use at the time, for regular distribution to the troops. There was no atabrine, and none was to be received throughout the campaign.

General Harding had arranged to have his medical supplies go forward by boat, only to find at the last minute that the boats were busy carrying other things. He did what he could in the emergency. Getting in touch immediately with General Whitehead, Harding explained to him that the medical supply situation was “snafu” and asked him to fly in the most urgently needed items “to take care of things until we can get the boat supply inaugurated.”

Most of the troops had gone hungry; some had nearly starved during the approach march, and food was still in short supply. Rations had accumulated in the rearward dumps between Wanigela and the front, but there was only a few days’ supply at the front itself. It was assumed that this deficiency and other supply shortages would be made good as the attack progressed.

Except for the latest arrivals (the 1st and 3rd Battalions, 126th Infantry) the troops presented anything but a soldierly appearance. Their uniforms were stained and tattered, few had underwear or socks, and their shoes in most cases were either worn out or in the process of disintegration. Most were bearded and unkempt, virtually all were hungry, and some were already showing unmistakable signs of sickness and exhaustion.

The 2nd Battalion, 126th Infantry, and the troops who had marched with it across the mountains had been severely affected by the ordeal. The 128th Infantry, whose name for Pongani was “Fever Ridge,” was not in much better condition. As the commander of the 2nd Battalion recalls the matter, the trouble was that the men had been on short rations since mid-October; that they had made some extremely exhausting marches through the jungle “on a diet of one-third of a C-ration and a couple of spoonful’s of rice a day“; and that many of them already had “fever, dysentery, and jungle rot.”

General Eichelberger put the whole matter in a sentence when he wrote that, even before the 32nd Division had its baptism of fire, the troops were covered with jungle ulcers and “riddled with malaria, dengue fever, [and] tropical dysentery.” Sickness and exhaustion had already claimed many victims; they would claim many more as the fighting progressed.

The Division’s Estimate of Enemy Strength

For all their hunger, their exhaustion, and their sickness, the troops were cocky and overconfident about the task that lay ahead. They had been told and they believed that Buna was a “push over,” and neither they nor their commanders saw any reason why it should not be theirs in a few days. No one—either at Port Moresby or at the front—believed that there would be any difficulty in taking Buna. Natives (who as was soon to become evident had no conception of numbers) had spied out the land and come back with reports that there were very few Japanese in the area. The air corps, similarly, had been reporting for more than a month that there were no Japanese to be seen at the beachhead and that there was no evidence that it was fortified or that the enemy had serious intentions of defending it.

As these reports of enemy weakness poured in, the 32nd Division began to think in terms of a quick and easy conquest of Buna. “I think it is quite possible,” wrote General Harding on 14 October, “that the Japanese may have pulled out some of their Buna forces. . . .” “We might find [Buna] easy pickings,” he added, “with only a shell of sacrifice troops left behind to defend it.” By 20 October General Harding felt that there was “a fair chance that we will have Buna by the first of November.” At the end of the month, he wrote that all information to date was to the effect that Japanese forces in the Buna-Gona area were relatively light and asked how GHQ would look upon November 5 as a suitable date for D Day. “Things look pretty favorable right now,” he said, “for a quick conquest of Buna.” 

A Ground Forces observer, Colonel H. F. Handy, noted that, as November opened, many in the 32nd Division felt “that Buna could be had by walking in and taking over.” Another Ground Forces observer, Colonel Harry Knight, noted that “the lid really blew off, “ when the order was received on 3 November that American troops were not to move forward from Mendaropu and Bofu until further instructed. The reason for the order was, of course, to gain time in which to stockpile supplies for the impending advance, but the division, restive and eager to be “up and at ’em” did not see it that way….Opinions were freely expressed by officers of all ranks . . . [Colonel Knight recalls] that the only reason for the order was a political one. GHQ was afraid to turn the Americans loose and let them capture Buna because it would be a blow to the prestige of the Australians who had fought the long hard battle all through the Owen Stanley Mountains, and who therefore should be the ones to capture Buna. The belief was prevalent that the Japanese had no intention of holding Buna; that he had no troops there; that he was delaying the Australians with a small force so as to evacuate as many as possible; that he no longer wanted the airfield there; . . . that no Zeros had been seen in that area for a month; and that the Air Corps had prevented any reinforcements from coming in …and could prevent any future landing. . .

On 6 November Major W. D. Hawkins, General Harding’s G-2, noted that both ground and air reconnaissance reports indicated that Buna, Simemi, and Sanananda each held perhaps 200-300 Japanese with only “a small number” of enemy troops at Gona. He went on to guess that the enemy was already reconciled to the loss of Buna and probably intended to evacuate it entirely.

Major Hawkins thought the Japanese would be most likely to try evacuating their forces by way of the Mambare River so as to be able to take them off at the river’s mouth. They would do this, he suggested, in order to avoid a “Dunkirk” at Buna, since Buna was an open beach from which embarkation by boats and barges would lay the evacuees open to heavy air attack.

These optimistic views on the possibilities of an early Japanese withdrawal did not agree with General Willoughby’s estimates of the situation. Willoughby estimated enemy strength on 10 November as two depleted regiments, a battalion of mountain artillery, and “normal” reinforcing and service elements—about 4,000 men in all.

He thought that an enemy withdrawal from Buna was improbable, at least until the issue was decided at Guadalcanal. It was known, he said, that General Horii’s orders were definitely to hold Buna until operations in the Solomons were successfully completed. These orders, the Japanese hope of success in the Solomons, and what was known of the character and mentality of the Japanese commanders involved made it highly unlikely, General Willoughby thought, that there would be “a withdrawal at this time.”

By 14 November General Willoughby began to have doubts that the enemy had two regiments at Buna. He thought that the mauling taken by the Japanese at Oivi and Gorari had left them with about “one depleted regiment and auxiliary units” and that these, pending the outcome of the Solomons operation, were capable only of fighting a delaying action. It was therefore likely, General Willoughby suggested, that there would be close perimeter defense of the airfield and beachhead at Buna, followed by a general withdrawal, if the Japanese effort in the Solomons failed. That the enemy would attempt further reinforcement of the Buna area he thought improbable “in view of the conditions in the Solomons, and the logistic difficulties and risks which are involved.”

General Vasey’s estimate of the enemy’s strength based on prisoner of war interrogations was, as of 14 November, 1,500 to 2,000 men—roughly the same figure that General Willoughby seems to have had in mind in his revised estimate of the same day. General Harding, who had Vasey’s estimate, but had probably had no chance as yet to see Willoughby’s, was more optimistic than either. Relying principally on information supplied by the natives, his G-2 had estimated that the “Buna area was garrisoned by not more than a battalion with purely defensive intentions.”

Harding accepted this estimate, and the intelligence annex in his first field order of the campaign read as follows: The original enemy force based at Buna is estimated as one combat team with two extra infantry battalions attached. This force has been withdrawing steadily along the Kokoda Trail for the past six weeks. Heavy losses and evacuation of the sick have reduced them to an estimated three battalions, two of which made a stand in the Kokoda-Wairopi area, with the third occupying Buna and guarding the line of communications. Casualties in the two battalions in the Wairopi area have reduced them to approximately 350 men, who, it is believed, are retiring northward along the Kumusi River Valley. . .

By the time the story got to the men it was to the effect that there were not over two squads of Japanese in Buna Village and that other enemy positions were probably as weakly held. Told by their officers that the operation would be an easy one, and that only a small and pitiful remnant of the enemy force which had fought in the Owen Stanleys remained to be dealt with, the troops were sure that they could take Buna in a couple of days, and that about all that remained to be done there was to mop up.

This was a sad miscalculation. The Japanese were present in much greater strength than the 32nd Division supposed, and superbly prepared defensive positions stood in its way, as well as in the way of the 7th Division which was to attack farther to the west.

The Enemy Position: The Japanese Line

The Japanese had established a series of strong defensive positions along an eleven-mile front extending from Gona on their extreme right to Cape Endaiadere on their extreme left. The enemy line enclosed a relatively narrow strip along the foreshore. It varied from a few hundred yards to a few miles in depth and covered an area of about sixteen square miles.

The Japanese defense was built around three main positions. One was at Gona, another was along the Sanananda track, and the third was in the Buna area from Girua River to Cape Endaiadere. Each was an independent position, but their inward flanks were well guarded, and lateral communications between them, except where the coastal track had flooded, were good.

Gona, a sandy trail junction covering the Army anchorage at Basabua, was well fortified, though its proximity to the sea made impossible defense in any depth. There were strong and well-designed defenses along the Sanananda track and at the junction of the several branch trails leading from it to Cape Killerton. On the other side of the Girua River equally formidable defenses covered the Buna Village, Buna Mission, and Buna Strip areas.

The main Japanese base was at Giruwa. The largest supply dumps and the 67th Line of Communications Hospital were located there. On this front the main Japanese defensive position was about three and one-half miles south of Sanananda Point, where a track to Cape Killerton joined the main track from Soputa to Sanananda Point. A lightly wooded area just forward of the track junction, and the sandy and relatively dry junction itself, bristled with bunkers, blockhouses, trenches, and other defensive positions. Beginning a couple of miles to the south, several forward outposts commanded the trail. About half a mile to the rear of the junction, where another trail branched from the main track to Cape Killerton, there was a second heavily fortified position, and beyond it, a third. These positions were on dry ground—usually the only dry ground in the area. They were flanked by sago swamp, ankle to waist deep, and could be taken only by storm with maximum disadvantage to the attackers.

East of the Girua River, the Japanese line was even stronger because it presented a continuous front and could not be easily flanked. The line began at the mouth of the Girua River. Continuing southeastward, it cut through a coconut grove and then turned southward to the trail junction where the Soputa-Buna track forks to Buna Village on the one hand and to Buna Mission on the other. Sweeping north, the line enclosed the Triangle, as the fork was called, and then turned eastward from that narrow salient to the grassy area known as the Government Gardens.

From the Gardens, it led south and then east through the main swamp to the grassy area at the lower or southern edge of the Old Strip. It looped around the strip and, continuing southward, enclosed the bridge between the strips. Then making a right-angled turn to the New Strip and following the southern edge of the strip to within a few hundred yards of the sea, it cut sharply northeast, emerging on the sea at a point about 750 yards below Cape Endaiadere.

Because the three-foot water table in the area ruled out the possibility of deep trenches and dugouts, the region was studded instead with hundreds of coconut log bunkers, most of them mutually supporting and organized in depth. In general, they were of two types: heavily reinforced bunkers located in more or less open terrain, and smaller, less heavily reinforced bunkers built where the terrain was overgrown with trees and vegetation that offered the defenders a measure of protection against air bombardment or artillery fire.

There were a few variations. Now and then where the terrain particularly favored them, the Japanese had large, squat, earth covered blockhouses, each capable of holding twenty or thirty men. In addition, they had a few concrete and steel pillboxes behind the New Strip.

Except for these variations, which were on the whole rare, the standard Japanese bunker in the area was of heavy coconut log and followed a common pattern. The base was a shallow trench, perhaps two feet deep. It was six to eight feet long and a few feet wide for the smaller bunkers, and up to thirty feet long and ten feet wide for the larger ones. Heavy coconut logs, about a foot thick, were used for both columns and crossbeams. The logs were cut to give the bunkers an interior height of from four to five feet, depending on the foliage and terrain.

The crossbeams forming the ceiling were laid laterally to the trench. They usually overlapped the uprights and were covered by several courses of logs, and often by plates of sheet steel up to a quarter of an inch thick. The walls were revetted with steel rails, I-beams, sheet iron, log pilings, and forty-gallon steel oil drums filled with sand.

As soon as the framework was up, the entire structure was covered with earth, rocks, and short chunks of log. Coconuts and strips of grass matting were incorporated into the earth fill to assist in cushioning the pressures set up by high explosive, and the whole structure was planted with fast growing vegetation. The result could scarcely have been improved upon. The bunkers, which were usually only about seven or eight feet above ground, merged perfectly with their surroundings and afforded excellent concealment.

As a further aid to concealment, firing slits were usually so small as to be nearly invisible from the front. In some cases (as when the bunkers were intended merely as protection from artillery and air bombardment) there were no slits at all. Entrance to the bunkers was from the rear, and sometimes there was more than one entrance.

The entrances were placed so that they could be covered by fire from adjacent bunkers, and they were usually angled to protect the occupants from hand grenades. The bunkers either opened directly onto fire trenches or were connected with them by shallow crawl tunnels. This arrangement permitted the Japanese to move quickly from fire trench to bunker and back again without fear of detection by troops only a few yards away.

These formidable field fortifications were cleverly disposed throughout the Buna position. Bunker and trench systems, within the Triangle, in the Government Gardens, along Entrance Creek, and in the Coconut Grove on the other side of the creek, protected the inland approaches to Buna Village and to Buna Mission, and the approaches, in turn, were honeycombed with enemy emplacements. The main swamp protected the southern edge of the Old Strip, and bunkers, fire trenches, and barbed wire covered its northern edge.

Village area.

The bridge between the strips had bunkers and gun emplacements both at front and rear, and the bridge area could be swept by fire from both strips. There were bunkers, fire trenches, and breastworks behind the New Strip and in the Duropa Plantation, and fire in defense of the strip could also be laid down from the bridge area, from the Old Strip, and from the Y-shaped dispersal bays at its eastern end. The airstrips afforded the Japanese cleared fields of fire and made it possible for them to lay down bands of fire on troops who sought to flank the New Strip by crossing the bridge between the strips, or who tried advancing along its northern edge.

The Japanese line at Buna was, in its way, a masterpiece. It forced the 32nd Division to attack the enemy where he was strongest—in the Triangle, along the trail leading to the bridge between the strips; along the northern edge of the strip; and frontally in the Duropa Plantation. By canalizing the Allied attack into these narrow, well-defended fronts, the Japanese who had short, interior lines of communication, and could shift troops from front to front by truck and landing craft, were in a position to exploit their available strength to the maximum, no matter what its numerical inferiority to that of the Allies.

The Garrison

Shortly after contact was lost with General Horii, Colonel Yokoyama, commanding officer of the 15th Independent Engineers, took charge of all Japanese forces west of the river. Captain Yasuda, as the senior naval officer present, took command of those east of it.

On 16 November, the day the Allies marched out for the attack, the Japanese garrison in the beachhead area was a jumble of broken Army and Navy units. Though riddled by battle casualties and disease, it still numbered approximately five and a half thousand effectives.[NOTE 48C] Army units included the remnants of the 144th Infantry, of the 15th Independent Engineers, the 3rd Battalion, 41st Infantry, the divisional cavalry detachment, and the 47th Field Antiaircraft Artillery Battalion. In addition, a few field artillery batteries had been left to guard the beachhead along with a number of rear echelon units that had never been in combat. There were about 500 Yokosuka 5th and Sasebo 5th special naval landing troops in the area, and perhaps twice that number of naval laborers from the 14th and 15th Naval Pioneer Units.

[NOTE 48C: Rad, 67th LofC Hospital, Giruwa, to CofS 17th Army, 15 Nov 42, in ATIS EP 29; AMF Interr General Adachi et al; 17th Army Opns I, 129-30. No precise figure can be given for Japanese strength at the beachhead in mid-November, but it is possible to support the figure given above. When questioned at Rabaul in 1945, General Adachi (who should have known as he took charge of New Guinea operations two weeks later) gave the total Japanese strength on 15 November as 9,000. His figure, however, included approximately 900 troops who were then with Colonel Yazawa on the other side of the Kumusi, and another 900 who did not reach the beachhead from Rabaul until two days later. As it is known that some 1,800 men were hospitalized at the time in the 67th Line of Communications Hospital, it can be estimated that there were at least 5,500 effectives at the beachhead in mid-November, including of course, Army and Navy laborers.]

The Condition of the Enemy Troops

The Japanese were in a bad way. In the long retreat from Ioribaiwa (and especially at Oivi and Gorari) and in the crossing of the Kumusi, they had lost irreplaceable weapons and supplies. Their most critical shortages were in small arms, food, and medical supplies—items that Lieutenant Colonel Yoshinobu Tomita, the detachment supply officer, had for some time been doling out with a careful hand.

All the weapons that could be scraped together were either in the front lines or stacked where they would be readily available when the front-line troops needed them. Except for troops immediately in reserve, most of the men to the rear had no weapons. Worried by the situation, Colonel Yokoyama issued orders for all troops without arms to tie bayonets to poles. If they had no bayonets, they were to carry wooden spears. These “weapons” were to be carried at all times; even the patients in the hospital were to have them at their bedsides.

The troops had been on short rations for a long time, and the ration was progressively decreased. To eke it out, the few horses that were left were being gradually butchered for food. There was a great deal of sickness. Nearly all the troops being admitted to the hospital for wounds and disease were found to be suffering as well from exhaustion and general debility. There had been serious outbreaks of malaria in the ranks, and a large proportion of the men had dysentery of an aggravated kind.

Things were at their worst at the base hospital at Giruwa. There was very little medicine, and not enough food to promote the recovery of the patients. Water had seeped into the wards, and the seepage, the extreme humidity, and heavy rains had caused clothes, bedding, and medical equipment to mold, rot, or rust away. As November opened, the medical staff had reported that food and medicine were so short as “to militate absolutely against the recovery of the patients,” and the situation, instead of improving, had become progressively worse. Toward the end of the month, a Japanese soldier was to write in his diary: “The patients in the hospital have become living statues. There is nothing to eat. Without food they have become horribly emaciated. Their appearance does not bear thinking upon.”

Despite these difficulties, the position of the Japanese was by no means hopeless. They had good stocks of ammunition, a strong defensive position, and enough men and weapons to hold it for a long time. What was more, they had every reason to expect that Rabaul would quickly reinforce and resupply them. Their orders were to hold, and, with a little help from Rabaul, they were prepared to do so indefinitely.

Enemy Dispositions

Colonel Yokoyama sent some 800 troops to Gona—a key position since it covered the all-important anchorage at Basabua. This force included an Army road-building unit of about 600 men, the troops of a divisional water-purification and decontamination unit, and some walking wounded. The commander of the road-building unit, Major Tsume Yamamoto, was put in charge of the defense.

Colonel Yokoyama himself took over the defense of the vital Sanananda—Giruwa area. He ordered some 1,800 men—headquarters and one company of the 3rd Battalion, 41st Infantry, the main body of the 1st Battalion, 144th Infantry, a portion of the 15th Independent Engineers, a 700-man contingent of Formosan naval laborers, and some walking wounded—to front-line positions at the main junction of the Sanananda and Cape Killerton trails. The salient, known to the Japanese as South Giruwa, was divided into northern, central, and southwestern sectors, and put under command of Colonel Tsukamoto. In reserve at the second trail junction a half-mile to the north, Colonel Yokoyama stationed a second company of the 3rd Battalion, 41st Infantry, a mountain gun battery, about 300 men of the 15th Independent Engineers, and a portion of the antiaircraft battalion.

Colonel Yokoyama moved his headquarters to Sanananda at the head of the trail and there stationed a second mountain artillery battery, the cavalry troop, the rest of the 41st Infantry, and most of the naval construction troops in the Giruwa area.

At Buna, Captain Yasuda had under his command the naval landing troops, an element of the 15th Independent Engineers, a section of the antiaircraft battalion, about 450 naval laborers, and a few hundred Army service troops. He had some 75-mm. naval guns, a number of 13-mm. guns, several 37-mm. pompoms, and half a dozen 3-inch antiaircraft guns. The engineers, the antiaircraft troops, and the service troops were assigned to the defense of the plantation, the New Strip, and the bridge between the strips. The Yokosuka 5th and Sasebo 5th troops, as well as the naval laborers, were deployed in Buna Village, Buna Mission, the Coconut Grove, and the Triangle.

Reinforcements were quickly forthcoming. Tokyo had realized for some time that, despite the emphasis on retaking Guadalcanal, troops would also have to be sent to the Buna-Gona area if the beachhead was to be held. The troops immediately available for the purpose were several hundred 144th Infantry replacements who had just reached Rabaul from Japan and the 3rd Battalion, 229th Infantry, a 38th Division unit whose two sister battalions were on Guadalcanal. The 229th Infantry had had combat experience in China, Hong Kong, and Java and was rated an excellent combat unit.

The battalion under its commander, Major Hiaichi Kemmotsu, together with 300 144th Infantry replacements and the new commander of the 144th Infantry, Colonel Hiroshi Yamamoto, was ordered to Basabua on 16 November and arrived there by destroyer the following evening. There were about 1,000 men in the convoy, and their arrival brought effective enemy strength at the beachhead to some 6,500 men, not including troops that might be released from the hospital later on and sent to the front. The incoming troops were transferred to Giruwa by barge and then sent on to the Cape Endaiadere-Durope Plantation-Buna Strips area. Colonel Yokoyama took command of that area, and Captain Yasuda of the area west of it as far as the Girua River. The picture at Buna had changed. The Japanese there now had more than 2,500 troops to man the defenses on that side of the river—almost half of them newly equipped and fresh from Rabaul.

The Situation at Rabaul

On 16 November, the day that Colonel Yamamoto was ordered to Buna, a new area command was established to control operations in New Guinea and the Solomons. The new command, the 8th Area Army, under Lieutenant General Hitoshi Imamura, was to have under it two armies—the 17th Army under General Hyakutake, which was to operate exclusively in the Solomons, and the 18th Army, under Lieutenant General Hatazo Adachi, which was to operate in New Guinea. General Adachi arrived at Rabaul on 25 November and assumed command of the 18th Army the same day. His first task was to retrieve the situation in Papua—a very difficult assignment as he was soon to discover.

SOURCE: Victory in Papua, BY: Samuel Milner (United States Army Center of Military History)

World War Two: Papuan Campaign (10);Opening Blows in General Vasey’s Area

World War Two: Papuan Campaign (8); Recapture of Kokoda


The Old Farmer’s Almanac for Jan. 18: WINTER CAR EMERGENCY KIT



By The Old Farmer’s Almanac
Keep the following supplies in your winter car emergency kit. In fact, we always say to prepare for the worst case scenario, especially in wintertime!

Emergencies can happen to anyone. Whether you run out of fuel, puncture a tire, or slip off a snowy road, keep a car emergency kit on-hand to help you get back on the road safely and quickly.

In addition to the items listed below, a cell phone is highly advised. Make sure your cell phone is charged every time you get in the car and keep a cell phone charger in your car.


Keep the below items in a bag in your trunk. Ideally, we’d suggest a clear, plastic container so it’s easy to see and locate everything. You can buy a pre-packaged kit or create your own.

Minimum Supplies:

  • Flashlight, plus extra batteries (or a hand-crank flashlight)
  • Jumper cables
  • First-aid kit (band-aides, adhesive tape, antiseptic wipes, gauze pads, antiseptic cream, medical wrap).
  • Bottled water
  • Multi-tool (such as a Leatherman Tool or a Swiss Army Knife)
  • Road flares or reflective warning triangles

Other Essentials:

  • Small fire extinguisher (5-lb., Class B and Class C type) in case of a car fire
  • Tire gauge to check inflation pressure in all four tires and the spare tire
  • Jack and lug wrench to change a tire
  • Gloves, rags, hand cleaner (such as baby wipes)
  • Duct tape
  • Foam tire sealant for minor tire punctures
  • Rain poncho
  • Nonperishable high-energy foods such as granola bars, raisins, and peanut butter
  • Battery– or hand-crank–powered radio
  • Lighter and box of matches
  • Spare change and cash
  • Paper maps

Additional Items for Winter Driving:

For those in wintry areas, add the below items to your emergency kit. (If it’s balmy all winter where you live, be thankful that you don’t need all of this stuff!)

  • Blankets, gloves, hats
  • Ice scraper
  • Collapsible or folding snow shovel
  • A bag of sand to help with traction (or bag of kitty litter)
  • Blanket
  • Tire chains and tow strap
  • Hand warmers
  • Winter boots for longer trips
  • Sleeping bag for longer trips


  • Keep your gas tank filled above halfway to avoid a gas line freeze-up.
  • Make sure tires are properly inflated.
  • Beware of black ice. Roads may look clear, but they may still be slippery.
  • Stuck on the ice without sand or cat litter? In a pinch, you can take the floor mats out of your car, place them next to the tires, and slowly inch the car onto and across the mats.
  • Make sure windows are defrosted and clear. And be sure to clear snow and ice from the top of the vehicle! Gently rub a small, moistened, cloth bag of iodized salt on the outside of your windshield to prevent the ice and snow from sticking.
  • To restore proper windshield wiper blade action, smooth the rubber blades with fine sandpaper to remove any grit and pits.
  • Fog-proof your mirrors and the inside of your windshields with shaving cream. Spray and wipe it off with paper towels.
  • Avoid driving when you have the flu, which can reduce your reaction time almost six times as much as moderate alcohol intake.

See more cold-weather tips provided by AAA.

What do you have in your car emergency kit? Let us know in the comments. (Thank you to our readers who have made suggestions, which we have added to the above list!)

Source: The Old Farmers Almanac

The Old Farmer’s Almanac for Jan. 18: EMERGENCY SURVIVAL KIT



By The Old Farmer’s Almanac
Keep the following supplies in your emergency survival kit, and you will be prepared for any adverse situation!

Have these items prepared in survival bags—portable bags, such as duffels or backpacks, that are used solely for holding emergency supplies. Store survival bags in an easily accessible place. If evacuation is necessary, be sure to follow the directions of local authorities.



  • You should have a three-day supply of non-perishable food, including ready-to-eat canned goods. Try to choose high energy foods, such as granola, dried fruit, nuts, protein bars, and jerky. Avoid overly salty foods, like chips and pretzels, as they will make you thirsty.
  • Be sure to have a manual can opener on hand, as well as eating utensils.
  • Prepare for any special dietary needs of your family.
  • It’s also possible to buy freeze-dried foods or meal kits in bulk, which are specially made and packaged for use in emergency situations.
  • Review your food supplies occasionally and eliminate anything that has exceeded its “use by” date.


  • Keep on hand a three-day supply of water. You should have one gallon of water for each person, per day. To ensure safe drinking water, it is recommended to buy commercially bottled water.


  • First Aid Kit, including non-prescription medication and antibacterial gel.
  • Be sure to stock extra prescription medication and any other special medical or sanitary needs, such as extra diapers and formula for babies.
  • Tissues, paper towels, and toilet paper can also come in handy.


  • Plan accordingly for the climate you live in. Layered clothing can help you stay warm and dry.
  • Include at least one complete change of clothes for each person.


  • Flashlights, with extra batteries (or mechanical, squeeze-type flashlights)
  • Matches in a waterproof container
  • Paper and pencil
  • Signal flares
  • Extra cell phone battery or battery packs
  • Fire extinguisher
  • Pocket knife
  • Nylon rope
  • Duct tape
  • Cash


Keep these records in a waterproof, portable container.

  • Will, insurance policies, contracts, deeds, stocks and bonds
  • Photo IDs, passports, social security cards, immunization records
  • Bank account numbers
  • Credit card account numbers and companies
  • Inventory of valuable household goods, important telephone numbers
  • Family records (birth, marriage, death certificates)
  • Photocopies of credit and identification cards



Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA)




Ever had a blizzard or snowstorm cause power outages or emergency conditions? How do you prepare and survive the storm? Here are some tips from a winter weather veteran.
Up here in northern New England, we have had our fair share of walloping Nor’easters. One year, blizzard conditions rolled into town at night, and we’d accumulated 10 inches of wet, heavy snow, and lost power within hours.

When we lose power, our two wood stoves—one of them a modern cookstove with an oven—keep us warm and well-fed, and prevent our pipes from freezing.


This is our emergency-preparation routine:

  • We leave the chickens indoors, with plenty of food and water.
  • We assemble charged flashlights and kerosene lamps on the kitchen table.
  • We load the wood boxes.
  • We locate the snow shovels and the roof rake, and set them inside the greenhouse (our entry to the rest of the house).
  • We take showers and leave the tub half-filled with flushing water, in anticipation of a power outage. We fill a couple of big stockpots with drinking and cooking water.


During a particularly bad nighttime blizzard, after a fitful sleep, we awoke to 14 inches of snow, still wet and heavy, still coming down. By mid-morning, the snow had stopped.

Be sure you have strong shovels on hand! After the snow stopped, we donned outdoor gear and tackled two hours plus of heavy shoveling. Our fridge and root cellar were full. We had non-perishable food and water in the pantry.

Stock a battery-powered radio (rechargeable with a hand crank). As telephone cables were downed by the blizzard, our radio told us that hundreds of thousands were without power. Roads in town couldn’t even be plowed until utility crews arrived to saw up downed trees and untangled dangerous wires on the road.

By then, our utility’s emergency phone line was telling us to prepare for a “multi-day event.” They’d called in hundreds of utility-line workers from eastern Canada and as far south as Tennessee. My big concern: lack of power to the two big freezers in the cellar that hold a season’s worth of homegrown fruits and vegetables—our winter stash. I threw insulating quilts over them and hoped for the best.

I’ve lived most of my life in rural towns in northern New England, and over the decades, I’ve learned a few hard lessons about winter. No matter how well-prepared I think I am, I sometimes forget essentials, and things come up that I hadn’t imagined.

  • What do you do when your septic system freezes? The year my daughter Molly was two, our aged septic drain pipe cracked underground, leaked, and froze solid from early December until mid-April. (We’ve long since replaced it.) That winter we sponge-bathed, tossed dishwater into the bushes behind the woodshed, and fashioned a series of makeshift toilets in the basement: 5-gallon buckets and ample amounts of wood ashes. Come spring, we trucked the pails far into the sugarbush, dug holes, and buried the contents.
  • What happens if you hurt yourself? During a three-day blizzard, I sliced my finger to the bone hacking away at a winter squash. The gash really needed stitches, but there was no way we could get out and drive the 20 miles to an urgent care center. I disinfected it, bathed it in a strong infusion of dried yarrow leaves (with styptic, antimicrobial, and anti-inflammatory properties), then applied pressure with a sterile bandage until the bleeding slowed. I wrapped it with a dry, sterile gauze pad and bound it tightly with a big wad of duct tape. The next morning, I undid the bandage. The bleeding had stopped and I was pleased to note no swelling or oozing. I disinfected the area again, applied four butterfly bandages to keep the wound edges together, and again wrapped it with duct tape.

The message for rural-dwellers: Maintain a well-stocked first-aid kit, with bandages of all sizes and shapes, including butterfly bandages, self-adhesive elastic bandages, and a big roll of duct tape. I also keep bottles of over-the-counter pain-killers and liquid antihistamine, plenty of disinfectant, a digital thermometer, and a pair of fine-pointed tweezers for removing slivers.

Lessons learned from the latest storm

  • Have a backup plan for the landline. Last summer, our small town finally got wired with fiber-optic cable, and we signed up. One thing the sales and technical folks failed to tell us was that the optical cable, and along with it, our landline, would fail along with the power. Despite an 18-hour backup system in the basement, our phone did fail, and we spent one night and half the next day without any connection to the outside world. That was frightening. The high cost and poor cell service in our area has kept us from going mobile, but we’ve since found a very low-cost pay-as-you-go phone that connects with the most reliable service.
  • Keep an eye on the fire extinguishers. Midway through the storm, I thought to check the three we keep on hand; two all-purpose ones for the wood-stove areas, a smaller one for kitchen fires perched on the shelf alongside the herbs and spices over the gas stove. All had expired! We tend our stoves with care, keep combustibles far from both the stoves, and store the ashes in a covered metal trash barrel on a cement floor, but an accident, a moment of carelessness, or an electrical problem could cause a blaze.
  • Keep fresh batteries in the smoke detectors. I suddenly remembered we hadn’t changed the backup batteries in our hard-wired smoke detector system since it was installed three years ago. Guess what? We were out of the 9-volt batteries the system required.

After we recovered from the storm, I headed off to buy three new fire extinguishers, a cell phone, and a package of 9-volt batteries for the smoke alarms.



“Living Naturally” is all about living a naturally healthy lifestyle. Margaret Boyles covers health tips, ways to avoid illness, natural remedies, food that’s good for body and soul, recipes for homemade beauty products, and ideas to make your home a healthy, safe haven. Our goal is also to encourage self-sufficiency, whether it’s relearning some age-old skills or getting informed on modern improvements that help us live better, healthier lives.

Published on The Old Farmers Almanac

Today’s Holidays Around the World: Week of Prayer for Christian Unity

Week of Prayer for Christian Unity

January 18-25

The Week of Prayer for Christian Unity, as organized by the World Council of Churches, dates back to 1964. Calls forChristian unity and efforts to bring Christians of various denominations together in worship can be traced back at least 200years earlier, however. In 1908, the Rev. Paul Watson proposed a week-long observance dedicated to Christian unity to bescheduled between the feasts of St. Peter’s Chair (January 18) and St. Paul (January 25), the two great leaders of the firstChristians. The World Council of Churches maintains these dates. Each year an inter-denominational committee selects ascriptural theme and prepares the outlines of a worship service for each day of the Week of Prayer. Individual congregationsare free to use the material as is, or vary it to suit local practices and traditions.
World Council of Churches
150 route de Ferney
P.O. Box 2100
Geneva, 1211 Switzerland
41-22-791-6111; fax: 41-22-791-0361



This Day in History, Jan. 18: Dr. William Price Introduces Cremation to the UK (1884)

Dr. William Price Introduces Cremation to the UK (1884)

William Price (4 March 1800 – 23 January 1893)[1] was a Welsh doctor known for his support of Welsh nationalism, Chartismand his involvement with the Neo-Druidic religious movement. He has been recognised as one of the most significant figures of 19th-century Wales, and one of the most unusual in Victorian Britain.[2][3]

Born to a lower-class household in Monmouthshire, Wales, Price trained as a doctor in London, England before returning to Wales, becoming interested in the Chartists’ ideas regarding equal democratic rights for all men. Following their failed 1839 uprising, he escaped government persecution by fleeing to France, where he became convinced that an ancient prophecy predicted that he would liberate his country from English rule.

Returning to Wales, Price tried reviving what he believed to be the religion of the ancient druids, the Celtic Iron Age ritual specialists of western Europe. In doing so, he became one of the most prominent proponents of the Neo-Druidic movement, something that had been developing since the Welsh nationalist Iolo Morganwg’s activities in the late 18th century. After cremating his dead son in 1884, Price was arrested and put on trial by those who believed cremation was illegal in Britain; however, he successfully argued that there was no legislation that specifically outlawed it, which paved the way for the Cremation Act 1902. Upon his death, he was cremated in a ceremony watched by 20,000 onlookers.

Known for adhering to such principles as equal democratic rights for all men, vegetarianism, cremation and the abolition of marriage, all of which were highly controversial at the time, he has been widely labelled as an “eccentric” and a “radical”.[4] Since his death he has been remembered as “one of the great Welshmen of all time” with a permanent exhibition and statue dedicated to him being opened in the town of Llantrisant, where he had lived for much of his later life.[5]


Early Life: 1800–1821

William Price was born in a cottage at Ty’n-y-coedcae Farm (“The House in the Wooded Field”) near Rudry near Caerphilly in Glamorganshire on 4 March 1800.[6] His father, also named William Price (1761–), was an ordained priest of the Church of England who had studied at Jesus College, Oxford.[7] His mother, Mary Edmunds (1767–1844), was an uneducated Welshwoman who had been a maidservant prior to her marriage. Their marital union was controversial because Mary was of a lower social standing than William, something which was socially taboo in late 18th century British society.[7] The couple had three surviving children, Elisabeth (1793–1872), Mary (1797–1869) and Ann (1804–1878), prior to William’s birth.[8]

The elder Price suffered from an undiagnosed mental illness, acting erratically and experiencing fits of violent rage. He bathed either fully clothed or naked in local ponds, and collected snakes in his pockets for days at a time. Carrying a saw around, he removed bark from trees, then burning it while muttering certain words, also spitting onto stones, believing that it improved their value. His actions led to him becoming a threat to the local community, in one instance firing a gun at a woman whom he claimed was taking sticks from his hedgerow, and in another hurling a sharp implement at another man.[9]

At home, Welsh was William’s primary language, but he learned to speak English at school,[10] which was located two miles from his home, in Machen. Although only staying at school for three years, between the ages of 10 and 13, he passed most exams and proved himself a successful student. After spending six months living at home, he decided to become a doctor despite his father’s insistence that he become a solicitor.[11] Moving to Caerphilly, in 1814 he became apprenticed to successful surgeon Evan Edwards, and paid for his tuition with money supplied by various family members. One of these benefactors, his uncle the Reverend Thomas Price of Merriott, Somerset, advised him to give up this education, arguing that it was putting too great a financial strain upon Price’s family, but William was insistent that he should continue.[12]

In 1820, Price’s apprenticeship with Edwards came to an end, and despite his lack of funds, he moved to London in order to continue his studies. Taking up lodgings near to St Paul’s Cathedral, he entered The London Hospital in Whitechapel for a year of instruction under Sir William Blizard. He also registered at St Bartholomew’s Hospital, where he was under the instruction of surgeon John Abernethy.[13] Gaining employment caring for wealthy clients to help financially support his studies, Price eventually became a member of the Royal College of Surgeons of England, being awarded with a certificate signed by Blizard, Abernathy and others. Contemplating travelling to India following the culmination of his studies in London, he instead decided to return to Wales, where he would work as a general practitioner.[14]

Welsh Nationalism and Chartism: 1821–1839

Becoming a trained doctor, Price returned to Wales, setting up in his medical practice at Craig yr Helfa in Glyntaff, remaining there for seven years.[15][10] He rented Porth y Glo Farm in Upper Boat, filling the farm with goats and cattle, but was forcibly evicted.[16] He subsequently moved to the newly industrialised Taff Valley near to Pontypridd. It was here in 1823 that the workforce elected him to the position of chief surgeon at the Brown Lenox Chainworks in Pontypridd; he stayed in this job till 1871.[17][10] In June 1823 he was also appointed medical advisor to the wealthy Crawshay family who owned the ironworks at Merthyr and Treforest.[17] Spending time in Treforest, “a revolutionary town”, he came under the increasing influence of left-wing political ideas.[18] Being a proud Welsh nationalist, Price found likeminded friends in another wealthy family, the Guests, and gave a speech on Welsh history and literature at their Royal Eisteddfod in 1834, which Lady Charlotte Guest felt to be “one of the most beautiful and eloquent speeches that was ever heard”. On the basis of it, he was invited to take up the job of judging the eisteddfod’s bardic competition, with the prize being awarded to Taliesin, the son of the famous Welsh nationalist and Druid, Iolo Morganwg.[19]

Price became increasingly interested in Welsh cultural activities, which included those that had been influenced by the Neo-Druidic movement. He joined the Society of the Rocking Stone, a Neo-Druidic group that met at the Y Maen Chwyf stone circle in Pontypridd, and by 1837 had become one of its leading members. To encourage the revival of Welsh culture, he gave lessons every Sunday in the Welsh language, which he feared was dying out with the spread of English.[20] In 1838 he also called for the Society to raise funds to build a Druidical Museum in the town, the receipts from which would be used to run a free school for the poor. He was supported in this venture by Francis Crawshay, a member of the Crawshay family, but did not gain enough sponsors to allow the project to go ahead. In anger, he issued a statement in a local newspaper, telling the people that they were ignoring “your immortal progenitors, to whom you owe your very existence as a civilised people.”[20][21]

Meanwhile, Price’s social conscience had led him to become a significant figure in the local Chartist movement, which was then spreading about the country, supporting the idea that all men should have the right to vote, irrespective of their wealth or social standing. Many of the Chartists in the industrial areas of southern Wales took up arms in order to ready themselves for revolution against the government, and Price himself aided them in gaining such weaponry. According to government reports, by 1839 he had acquired seven pieces of field artillery. That same year, the Newport Rising took place, when many of the Chartists and their working class supporters rose up against the authorities, only to be quashed by soldiers, who killed a number of the revolutionaries. Price himself had recognised that this would happen, and he and his supporters had not joined in with the rebellion on that day. Nonetheless, he also realised that the government would begin a crackdown of those involved in the Chartist movement in retaliation for the uprising, and so he fled to France, disguised as a woman.[22]

Life as an Archdruid: 1840–1882

It was while in temporary exile as a political dissident in Paris, France that Price visited the Louvre museum, where he experienced what has been described as “a turning-point in his religious life.” He became highly interested in a stone with a Greek inscription that he erroneously felt depicted an ancient Celtic bard addressing the moon. He subsequently interpreted the inscription as a prophecy given by an ancient Welsh prince named Alun, declaring that a man would come in the future to reveal the true secrets of the Welsh language and to liberate the Welsh people: as historian Ronald Hutton later remarked however, “nobody else had heard of this person, or made (anything like) the same interpretation of the inscription”. Nonetheless, Price felt that this prophecy applied to him, and that he must return to Wales to free his people from the English-dominated authorities.[23]

Soon returning to Wales, Price set himself up as a Druid, founding a religious Druidic group that attracted a number of followers. Little is known of the specific doctrines which he preached, but his followers walked around carrying staffs engraved with figures and letters. Declaring that marriage was wrong as it enslaved women, he began having a relationship with a woman named Ann Morgan, whom he moved in with, and in 1842 she bore him a daughter. He baptised this child himself at the Rocking Stone in Pontypridd, naming her Gwenhiolan Iarlles Morganwg (meaning ‘Gwenhiolan, Countess of Glamorgan’).[24] He began developing an appearance that was unconventional at the time, for instance wearing a fox fur hat and emerald green clothing, as well as growing his beard long and not cutting his hair. He also began attempting to hold Druidic events, organising an eisteddfod at Pontypridd in 1844, but nobody turned up, and so, solitarily, he initiated his daughter as a bard at the event. In 1855 he then led a parade of the Ivorites, a friendly society that held to a philosophy of Welsh nationalism, through the streets of Merthyr Tydfil, accompanied by a half-naked man calling himself Myrddin (the Welsh name for Merlin) and a goat.[25]

Returning to his long-held idea of building a museum and school at Pontypridd, a local landowner, Sir Benjamin Hall, who wanted to encourage the revival of Welsh culture, allowed him to use his own land, although Price and the Halls subsequently fell out and the project was scrapped. Left with debts from the aborted project, Price once more escaped to France in 1861. Around this time, he began writing to the national press, making exaggerated statements about himself and Welsh history, for instance claiming that he was Lord of the Southern Welsh and that “All the Greek Books are the Works of the Primitive Bards, in our own Language!!!!!!!… Homer was born in the hamlet of Y Van near Caerphili. He built Caerphili Castle… the oldest Books of the Chinese confess the fact!!”[26]

In 1866 Price returned to Wales, finding that his daughter had grown up to live her own life following her mother, Ann Morgan’s, death. He settled to live in the town of Llantrisant, where he opened up a new medical practice, which proved to be a success, and he took a young farmer’s daughter, Gwenllian Llewelyn, (1859–1948)[27] who at the time was only twenty-one years old, to be his new partner, despite the fact that he was an old man by this time.[28] Despite his earlier pronouncements against marriage, he organised a Druidic wedding ceremony through which he married Gwenllian on 4 March 1881, on Price’s 81st birthday. Taking place at the Rocking Stone in Pontypridd, it involved Price addressing the sun at noon, and women dressed as the Three Graces were involved. The ceremony attracted a large audience, who according to reports found the whole proceeding amusing.[29] Meanwhile, in 1871, he had published a book, written in his own invented form of Welsh that he believed was the true language of the ancient Welsh. In the work, which had a title that translated as The Will of My Father, Price conceptualised the universe being created out of a snake’s egg by a supreme Father God. However, this work was largely ignored at the time and soon fell into obscurity.[30]

Later life and advocacy of cremation: 1883–1893

Gwenllian and Price’s first child was born on 8 August 1883,[27] a son whom Price named Iesu Grist (the Welsh for Jesus Christ), in an act of provocation against the traditional religion of the time, and also because he expected great things from his child. However, the infant died only five months later, on 10 January 1884.[27] Believing that it was wrong to bury a corpse, thereby polluting the earth, Price decided to cremate his son’s body, an act which at the time was taboo, although across the country there were already several proponents of it as a form of corpse disposal. He performed the funeral in the early evening of Sunday 13 January 1884, upon the summit of a hill to one side of Llantrisant. A number of local people noticed the fire, and upon discovering that Price was attempting to burn his infant son, surged on him. He was rescued from an angry mob by the police, who arrested him for what they believed was the illegal disposal of a corpse, and the body of his son, which had not yet been engulfed by the flames, was removed from the pyre.[31]

A post-mortem was performed on Iesu’s body by a local doctor, who concluded that the child had died of natural causes and had not been murdered. Price was therefore not charged with infanticide, but was instead tried in a Cardiff courtroom for performing cremation rather than burial, which the police believed to be illegal. Price argued that while the law did not state that cremation was legal, it also did not state that it was illegal either. The judge, Mr Justice Stephen (1829–1894), agreed. Price was freed, and returned to Llantrisant to find a crowd of supporters cheering for his victory. On 14 March, he was finally able to give his son a cremation involving his own personal Druidic prayers.[31] The case set a precedent which, together with the activities of the newly founded Cremation Society of Great Britain, led to the Cremation Act 1902.[32] In 1885 the first official cremation of the remains of Jeanette Pickersgill (1814–1885) took place at Woking Crematorium, and ten cremations are recorded as being performed in the following year. In 1892 a crematorium opened in Manchester, followed by one in Glasgow in 1895, Liverpool in 1896 and Birmingham Crematorium in 1903.[33]

The media interest in the court case had made Price famous, and he soon began to capitalise on this fame, selling three hundred medals, each depicting the cosmic egg and the snake that laid it, commemorating his victory, which sold at threepence each. He began to be invited to give lectures and attend public functions, but these did not prove to be particular successes, with much of his audiences not understanding either his philosophies, or his attire, which was made out of red cloth and embroidered with green letters.[34]

In late 1884, his wife gave birth to their second child, whom Price also named Iesu Grist, and on 27 May 1886 she then bore him a daughter, whom they named Penelopen.[35] He believed that his son had an important future ahead of him, being the prophesied second coming of Jesus Christ, his namesake, and predicted that he would come to reign over the earth. Meanwhile, in 1892 he erected a pole which was over sixty feet high, with a crescent moon symbol at its peak, on top of the hill where his first son had been cremated, and noted that he wanted his funeral to take place there as well.[36]

Price died at his home in Llantrisant on the night of 23 January 1893.[37] His final words, when he knew that he was near death, were “Bring me a glass of Champagne”. He drank the champagne and died shortly after.[38] On 31 January 1893, William Price was cremated on a pyre of two tons of coal, in accordance with his will, on the same hillside overlooking Llantrisant. It was watched by 20,000 people, and overseen by his family, who were dressed in a mix of traditional Welsh and his own Druidic clothing.[36] His wife would go on to remarry, this time to a road inspector employed by the local council, and she gave up her Druidic beliefs to join a conventional Christian denomination, having her two children baptised into it, and Iesu Grist was renamed Nicholas, never fulfilling the ambitious predictions that his father had made about him.[36]

Personal beliefs

Oil painting of Price by A.C. Hemming, 1918. On display at the Wellcome Collection in London.

Price held several strongly held beliefs that ran counter to the Victorian social norms of the time, and chose to promote them in a “most exhibitory fashion”.[39] Biographer Dean Powell considered him “a maverick and a rebel”, but was unsure as to whether Price’s eccentricity was a result of mental illness or not.[40]

A nudist, Price refused to wear socks, considering them to be unhygienic,[41] and washed coins, fearing that they were a source of cross-contamination.[41] He opposed vaccination, in part due to his brother’s childhood death following an inoculation,[40] and refused to treat patients who were tobacco smokers.[40] He was an advocate of vegetarianism, believing that eating meat “brought out the beast in man”, and denounced vivisection.[40] Price opposed marriage, which he saw as the enslavement of women, instead advocating free love.[41] Price also argued many fellow practitioners were nothing but ‘poison peddlers’, making their money selling drugs and profiting off the sick rather than tackling the cause of the illness.[27]

Price was also responsible for the building of the famous “Round houses” in Pontypridd. He convinced a local builder that he owned the land and these round houses were to be the gateway to his mansion. He neither owned the land nor a mansion.[citation needed]

Price believed that religion was often used to enslave people, and despised “sanctimonious preachers”.[42] His religious beliefs have provided an influence on the modern druidic movement. Michell referred to him as “a natural shaman”.[43]


Soon after Price’s death, ballads commemorating him were composed and circulated throughout the local area for a number of years afterward. In 1896, an exhibition that commemorated his life was held in Cardiff, while a pamphlet biography of him was published to accompany it.[36] In 1940, a more significant biography about Price was published, entitled A Welsh Heretic, which was written by Islwyn Nicholas. In 1947, the Cremation Society put up a plaque commemorating him in the town of Llantrisant, while a statue of him was unveiled in the town in 1982, depicting the doctor in his characteristic fox-skin headdress, arms outstretched.[44] This was followed in 1992 when a memorial garden was named after him, and an exhibition about him opened in the town’s visitor centre.[5]

In a 1966 book examining the history of Llantrisant, author Dillwyn Lewis described Price as being “one of the most controversial figures of modern times.”[45] The historian Ronald Hutton would later describe him as “both one of the most colourful characters in Welsh history, and one of the most remarkable in Victorian Britain”[3] while his biographer Dean Powell considered him “the most notable individual in 19th century Wales”.[2]



  1. ^ “Price, William, Dr, (Llantrisant), papers”. Archives Network Wales. May 2003. Retrieved 2006-09-27.
  2. Jump up to:a b Powell 2005. p. 3.
  3. Jump up to:a b Hutton 2009. p. 253.
  4. ^ BBC Welsh hall of fame Archived 2006-06-27 at the Wayback Machine.
  5. Jump up to:a b Hutton 2009. p. 286.
  6. ^ Powell 2005, p. 6.
  7. Jump up to:a b Powell 2005, pp. 9–10.
  8. ^ Powell 2005, p. 9.
  9. ^ Powell 2005, pp. 10–11.
  10. Jump up to:a b c Hutton 2009, p. 253.
  11. ^ Powell 2005, p. 12.
  12. ^ Powell 2005, p. 13.
  13. ^ Powell 2005, pp. 15–17.
  14. ^ Powell 2005, p. 26.
  15. ^ Powell 2005, p. 27.
  16. ^ Powell 2005, pp. 27–29.
  17. Jump up to:a b Powell 2005, p. 29.
  18. ^ Powell 2005, p. 31.
  19. ^ Hutton 2009, pp. 253–254.
  20. Jump up to:a b Hutton 2009, p. 254.
  21. ^ Powell 2005, pp. 37–41.
  22. ^ Hutton 2009, pp. 254–255.
  23. ^ Hutton 2009, p. 255.
  24. ^ Hutton 2009. p. 255.
  25. ^ Hutton 2009, p. 256.
  26. ^ Hutton 2009. pp. 280–281.
  27. Jump up to:a b c d “Archived copy”. Archived from the original on 2016-06-27. Retrieved 2016-06-10.
  28. ^ Hutton 2009. p. 281.
  29. ^ Hutton 2009. p. 282.
  30. ^ Hutton 2009. pp. 281–282.
  31. Jump up to:a b Hutton 2009. p. 283.
  32. ^ “Doctor William Price”. Rhondda Cynon Taf Library Service. Retrieved 1 June 2012.
  33. ^ “”
  34. ^ Hutton 2009. pp. 283–284.
  35. ^ Powell 2005. p. 95.
  36. Jump up to:a b c d Hutton 2009. p. 285.
  37. ^ “PRICE , WILLIAM ( 1800–1893 )”. National Library of Wales. 1959. Retrieved 17 January 2018.
  38. ^ Angus Deayton (22 January 2012). It’s Your Round – S02E05(radio)It’s Your Round (radio). S02E05. BBC Radio 4. Event occurs at 21:30.
  39. ^ Powell 2005, p. 3.
  40. Jump up to:a b c d Powell 2005, p. 41.
  41. Jump up to:a b c Powell 2005, p. 42.
  42. ^ Powell 2005, p. 33.
  43. ^ Michell 1997. p. 6.
  44. ^ Llantrisant timeline Archived 2008-09-07 at the Wayback Machine.
  45. ^ Lewis 1966. p. 57.


Bracegirdle, Cyril (1997). Dr. William Price: Saint or Sinner?. Gwasg Carreg Gwalch. ISBN 978-0-86381-434-1.
Hutton, Ronald (2009). Blood and Mistletoe: The History of the Druids in Britain. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-14485-7.
Lewis, Dillwyn (1966). The History of Llantrisant. Beddau Centenary Committee.
Michell, John (1984). Eccentric Lives and Peculiar Notions. London: Thames and Hudson. ISBN 978-0-7474-0353-1.
Powell, Dean (2005). Eccentric: The Life of Dr. William Price. Llantrisant, Wales: Dean Powell. ISBN 978-0-9550854-0-6.

Inspiration for the Day for Jan. 18: Words Are Energy



Words Are Energy


Each word we speak has a life of its own, a vibratory signature that creates waves into the expanse of the universe.

When we speak or write, we use the vehicles of words to carry meaning, as well as energy, from ourselves to another person or group of people. We may be speaking to our baby, our boss, or to an audience of 500 people. We may be writing a love letter, a work-related memo, or an entry in our own diary. Whatever the case, each word we speak or write has a life of its own, a vibratory signature that creates waves in the same way that a note of music creates waves. And like musical notes, our words live in communities of other words and change in relation to the words that surround them. When we are conscious of the energy behind our words, we become capable of making beautiful music in the world. If we are unconscious of the power of words, we run the risk of creating a noisy disturbance.

Some of us know this instinctively, while others come to this understanding slowly. Most of us, though, speak without thinking at least some of the time, blurting out our feelings and thoughts without much regard for the words we choose to express them. When we remind ourselves that our words have an impact on the world at the level of energy, we may find within ourselves the desire to be more aware of our use of language.

A fun way to increase our sensitivity to the power of words is to simply make a list of our favorite words and notice the energy they contain. We can write them down and post them where we can see them, or we can speak them aloud, feeling them reverberate in our bodies and in the air around us. This is like learning to consciously play an instrument that we have been playing unconsciously for most of our lives, and the effect can be startling and delightful. As we grow more comfortable and confident playing the instrument of language, we will begin to compose beautiful messages, creating positive energy every time we write or speak.

–Daily OM

Get A Jump on Tomorrow, Your Horoscopes for Saturday, Jan. 19th

Get A Jump on Tomorrow….

Your Horoscopes for Saturday, Jan. 19th


Moon Alert

We have the “all clear” today to shop and do business. The Moon is in Cancer.

Aries (March 21-April 19)

In the next few weeks, your popularity will increase. Everyone will want to see your face. (Yes, you will have to get dressed.) This window of time is an excellent time to set future goals and discuss them with others to get their feedback. Try it.

Taurus (April 20-May 20)

For the next four weeks, the Sun is at the top of your chart casting you in a flattering light (symbolically), which is why bosses, parents and VIPs are going to be so impressed with you. You don’t even have to do anything special. Take this one to the bank!

Gemini (May 21-June 20)

Travel as much as possible in the next few weeks because you want to have some adventure and a change of scenery! Be a tourist in your own backyard. You can also expand your world through study, film and talking to people from other backgrounds.

Cancer (June 21-July 22)

You will be more focused on taxes, debt, shared property, inheritances and insurance issues in the next four weeks. The good news is that you will get some of this stuff done! Plow through that paperwork. Be ruthless. “Be gone!”

Leo (July 23-Aug. 22)

Because the Sun is opposite your sign for the next four weeks, you will be more tired than usual and will definitely need more sleep. However, this polarized position of the Sun will make you focus on your partnerships and close friendships more than usual. How can you improve them?

Virgo (Aug. 23-Sept. 22)

By nature, you like to be organized. (This doesn’t mean you are – but you wish you would be.) In the next four weeks, you will work to get better organized and make an effort to work smarter and be more efficient. You will also want to improve your health.

Libra (Sept. 23-Oct. 22)

Lucky you! The next four weeks will bring you opportunities to socialize, enjoy parties and playful activities with children, the arts, movies, musical performances and sports events. You will want to have fun! And why not? After all, life is short – and fat.

Scorpio (Oct. 23-Nov. 21)

Welcome every opportunity to cocoon at home and enjoy the company of family in the next four weeks because this will appeal. You want to relax among familiar surroundings and hibernate. This is the perfect time of year to do this.

Sagittarius (Nov. 22-Dec. 21)

Fasten your seatbelts because you’re in for a busy four weeks! Short trips, increased errands and appointments plus an urge to talk to others, especially siblings, relatives and neighbours will keep you hopping! Enjoy!

Capricorn (Dec. 22-Jan. 19)

Your focus will be on money, possessions and your assets in the next four weeks. You might look for a better paying job or ways to make money on the side. You will also think about what it is that really matters in life. (Important to know.)

Aquarius (Jan. 20-Feb. 18)

The Sun will be in your sign for the next four weeks giving you a chance to recharge your batteries for the rest of year. You will also attract people and favourable situations to you. Yes, Aquarius rules!

Pisces (Feb. 19-March 20)

Keep a low profile in the next four weeks because your personal year is coming to an end. Now is the time to give yourself a report card. How well are you doing at the art of living? How do you want your new year to be different? Jot down some ideas. When you write down a wish – it becomes a goal.

If Your Birthday Is Today

Singer, songwriter, actress Dolly Parton (1946) shares your birthday today. You are innovative, creative and you have a sharp mind. You are also honest and forthright. Because this will be a fast-paced year, get ready for action. Expect fresh excitement! Enjoy travel opportunities and chances to expand your horizons. Be open to embracing change and new opportunities. Your personal freedom is one of your goals this year.




Your Daily Horoscopes for Friday, January 18

Your Daily Horoscopes for Friday, January 18


Moon Alert

Avoid shopping or important decisions from 8 PM to 11 PM EST today (5 PM to 8 PM PST). After that, the Moon moves from Gemini into Cancer.

Aries (March 21-April 19)

Because you want something very much today, (perhaps related to travel, publishing, the media or something to do with medicine, the law and higher education) -you’re prepared to fight for what you want even if you have to stand up to bosses, parents, professors and VIPs. Fist in the air!

Taurus (April 20-May 20)

You are blessed today. You might receive gifts, favours or help from others. Knowing this, you can also ask for help because it will be forthcoming. However, avoid controversial subjects like politics, religion and racial issues because these will quickly get out of hand. Definitely!

Gemini (May 21-June 20)

It’s easy to schmooze with others today, which is why you will enjoy the company of partners and close friends. However, disputes about shared property, taxes, debt, inheritances and insurance issues might arise. If they do, they will get nasty because people will insist on standing their ground.

Cancer (June 21-July 22)

Welcome the support of coworkers today. You’ll find it easy to work with others, in addition to which, you yourself, might get praise or even a raise. Meanwhile, difficulties with partners and close friends might arise because of a difference of views. It was ever thus.

Leo (July 23-Aug. 22)

Romance is passionate today! The stuff of movies. You want to play and socialize! However, something related to your job or even your health might create obstacles because someone is determined to persuade you to their way of thinking. Tread carefully.

Virgo (Aug. 23-Sept. 22)

This is a marvellous day to entertain at home. Invite friends and family over for good food and drink. You might also want to do something to redecorate or make your home look more attractive. Be patient with children to avoid arguments.

Libra (Sept. 23-Oct. 22)

You will enjoy your surroundings today, which is a blessing for you because you are affected by your surroundings – smells, lighting, colour and composition. (Not many people understand this, but you do.) Avoid family arguments today because they might occur. Steer clear!

Scorpio (Oct. 23-Nov. 21)

Do not try to convince others to agree with you about something today, which, incidentally, you will be tempted to do. Or you might attract someone to you who wants you to agree with them? Instead, focus on moneymaking ideas and shopping for beautiful things. (Check the Moon Alert above.)

Sagittarius (Nov. 22-Dec. 21)

Disputes about money and possessions are likely today. But is this conflict worth it? Fortunately, Venus is in your sign making you diplomatic and charming with everyone. Go with what wins. Everyone hates arguments and dissension.

Capricorn (Dec. 22-Jan. 19)

Today Mercury and Pluto are lined up in your sign, which means all your communications with others will be intense. You might want to influence others to agree with you. You might also encounter opposition from others. Don’t go looking for trouble. In fat, enjoy privacy in beautiful surroundings.

Aquarius (Jan. 20-Feb. 18)

Your ability to research today is phenomenal! You’ll be like a dog with a bone. You won’t stop until you find what you’re looking for because you are focused, even ruthless. Meanwhile, relations with friends and groups are warm and supportive.

Pisces (Feb. 19-March 20)

You look wonderful in the eyes of others today, which is why bosses, parents and VIPs are so impressed! Don’t ruin this advantage by having an argument with a friend or a member of a group. Don’t take the bait! Let everyone enjoy their own beliefs – even if you don’t agree.

If Your Birthday Is Today

Actor Kevin Costner (1955) shares your birthday today. You are generous, kindhearted and enjoy helping others. You are easy-going, optimistic and reliable. This year hard work and effort pay will pay off. Start by simplifying your life so you can build solid foundations. Focus your energy in one direction. Physical exercise will be important this year. Explore yoga, martial arts or jogging — any physical discipline that you enjoy.